Manama - Agencies
As discussions around the scheduling of the Formula 1 Grand Prix in Bahrain intensify, Amnesty International has today released a briefing summarising the continuing human rights
crisis in Bahrain. Amnesty states that the human rights crisis in Bahrain is not over. Despite the authorities’ claims to the contrary, state violence against those who oppose the al-Khalifa family rule continues, and in practice, not much has changed in the country since the brutal crackdown on anti-government protesters in February and March 2011.
In its report out April 13, Amnesty accuses the Bahraini authorities of failing to introduce reforms and learn lessons from the events of February and March 2011.
The report mentions that “in November 2011, the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI), set up by King Hamad bin ‘Issa a-Khalifa, submitted a report of its investigation into human rights violations committed in connection with the anti-government protests. The report concluded that the authorities had committed gross human rights violations with impunity, including excessive use of force against protesters, widespread torture and other ill-treatment of protesters, unfair trials and unlawful killings. So far, however, the government’s response has only scratched the surface of these issues. Reforms have been piecemeal, perhaps aiming to appease Bahrain’s international partners, and have failed to provide real accountability and justice for the victims. Human rights violations are continuing unabated. The government is refusing to release scores of prisoners who are incarcerated because they called for meaningful political reforms, and is failing to address the Shia majority’s deeply-seated sense of discrimination and political marginalisation, which has exacerbated sectarian divides in the country. In recent months, the Bahraini authorities have become more concerned with re-building their image and investing in public relations than with actually introducing real human rights and political reforms in their country. Indeed, for the authorities, much is at stake. They are keen to portray Bahrain as a stable and secure country in order to stave off international criticism. But as the country prepares to host the Formula 1 Grand Prix on 20-22 April, after the event was cancelled last year in response to the instability in the country, daily anti-government protests continue to be violently suppressed by the riot police that uses tear gas recklessly and with fatal results. Acts of violence by some protesters against the police have also considerably increased in the last three months”.
On 14 February 2011, inspired by the uprising in Egypt, Tunisia and other countries in the Middle East and North Africa, tens of thousands of Bahrainis went into the streets to voice their demands. The vast majority of protesters were Shia Muslims, who despite being the majority of Bahrain’s population, have resented being politically marginalised and discriminated against by the Sunni ruling al-Khalifa family which dominate all aspects of political and economic life in Bahrain.
Amnesty accuses the government of using excessive force to repeal the protest movement, stating, “the security forces used excessive force, including shotguns/live ammunition as well as the reckless use of tear gas, to disperse protesters who mostly camped in the Pearl Roundabout in the capital Manama. Seven protesters were killed by the security forces in the first week alone in February 2011.\"
However the human rights body also weighs in on the evolution of the protest movement, stating that “after the first week of March 2011, anti-government protesters began to organize peaceful marches to key government buildings. Many were openly calling for an end to the monarchy in Bahrain, and for a republican system to be established instead. Thousands went on strike”.
With members of the Sunni community going on large pro-government rallies, sectarian relations in the country became extremely tense, and violence ensued. On 12 March, thousands of anti-government protesters marched to the Royal Court in al-Riffa’a. The march turned violent amid reports that government supporters armed with knives and sticks were planning to prevent the demonstrators from approaching the Royal Court. A day later, the two sides violently clashed at Bahrain University.
13 March brought further escalation in violence when anti-government protesters sealed off the main roads in Manama and occupied the capital’s Financial Harbour area, causing considerable disruption.
On 15 March, Saudi Arabia sent at least 1,200 troops to Bahrain across the causeway linking the two states, reportedly at the request of the Bahraini government. The same day, the King of Bahrain declared a three-month state of emergency, known as State of National Safety, and gave the security forces sweeping powers to arrest and detain protesters and ban all protests. On 16 March, security forces, backed by helicopters and army tanks, stormed the Pearl Roundabout area and evicted the protesters by force. Protesters were also forced out of the nearby Financial Harbour area. The Pearl Monument, which has become a symbol for the pro-reform protesters, was torn down.
Manama’s main hospital, the Salmaniya Medical Complex also became a target. Security forces stormed it and took control of the hospital. Many wounded protesters were subsequently too afraid to go there for treatment. Some of those who did were detained.
Amnesty also claims from its sources that “in the weeks that followed, hundreds of activists, including opposition leaders, medical workers, teachers, journalists and students were rounded up and detained. Most were arrested at dawn, without arrest warrant, and held incommunicado in police stations or at the Criminal Investigations Directorate in Manama. Many said that they were tortured or otherwise ill-treated during interrogation. At least five people died in custody as a result of torture. Detainees were forced to sign confessions which were then used against them in court. Hundreds of people were later tried by the National Safety Court, a military court established under the state of emergency, and sentenced to prison terms, including life imprisonment, after grossly unfair trials”.
In the report, Amnesty mentions the number killed as 35 during the February-March protests, including five security officers. More than 4,000 people, among them teachers, students and nurses, were dismissed from their jobs or university for taking part in the anti-government protests. The report also states that around 38 Shia mosques were demolished in the aftermath of the February-March events. The government has argued that these mosques had been built illegally, but the timing of the demolitions led many in the Shia community to believe that this mass demolition was collective punishment for the unrest.
The report also weighs in on the Kings response stating that, “the King’s most noteworthy response to international pressure was setting up the Bahrain Independent Commission of Inquiry (BICI). In an unprecedented step, the authorities appointed five renowned international legal and human rights experts to investigate human rights violations committed in connection with the protests. On 23 November, to much media fanfare, BICI chairman Professor Mahmoud Cherif Bassiouni, submitted its report to the King. According to the report, the BICI had examined more than 8,000 complaints; interviewed more than 5,000 people, including detainees; and visited various prisons, detention centres and the Salmaniya Medical Complex in Manama”.
The report concluded that dozens of detainees had been tortured by security officials, including by members of the National Security Agency (NSA), who believed they could act with impunity; that police and other security forces had repeatedly used unnecessary and excessive force against protesters, resulting in unlawful killings; and that proceedings before the National Safety Court did not meet international standards for fair trial. The BICI made various important recommendations, including the establishment of an independent human rights body to investigate all torture allegations, deaths in custody as a result of torture, killings of protesters and bystanders during the protests and other human rights violations. It also recommended that all those responsible are brought to account, including high-ranking members of the government, security forces and the army who gave orders to commit such violations. Other recommendations include rebuilding demolished Shia mosques, establishing a national reconciliation programme that addresses the grievances of groups which felt marginalized or discriminated against, ending discrimination against Shia in the security forces and preventing incitement to hatred by government-controlled media. The King accepted the findings of the report, and publicly expressed the government’s commitment to the implementation of all its recommendations.
Amnesty also accused the government of keeping hundreds of protesters in prison, unfairly trying them by military courts, and giving the harsh prison sentences. It concludes that “dozens have been imprisoned for life. Many of them are prisoners of conscience, punished solely for leading or participating in anti-government demonstrations, and did not use or advocate violence. They include 14 leading opposition figures and a prominent trade unionist. Among them is prominent human rights defender Abdulhadi al-Khawaja, who is said to be nearing death as he continues his hunger strike in protest at his imprisonment”.
The report also adds that “the government’s promise to reinstate all those who have been dismissed from work or university for participating in protests is yet to be fulfilled. At the time of writing, more than 200 people still have not been allowed to return to their jobs. Many of those who returned complained of various administrative sanctions such as the change of jobs or loss of increments. Only five out of at least 38 Shia mosques that were demolished by the government last year are being reconstructed. The government has not taken any steps to tackle discrimination, incitement to hatred or work towards real reconciliation between the ruling family and the Shia population”.
However Amnesty does point to some positive developments on the part of the Bahraini authorities stating, “there have been some positive institutional and other reforms within the Bahraini police. The government has introduced a new code of conduct, established a new office in the Ministry of the Interior dedicated to investigating complaints against the police and embarked on human rights training for police officers”.
It also mentions that “the government has taken some potentially positive steps in reviewing, or proposing to review certain provisions in the Criminal Procedure Code and the Penal Code. Such steps are long overdue; many provisions in Bahrain’s domestic legislation, including the Penal Code, do not comply with a number of international human rights treaties to which it is state party, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the International Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD) and the UN Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention against Torture). The Bahraini government is required to honour its obligations under these and other human rights treaties it is a party to. Under these treaties, Bahrain is also required to investigate all alleged violations of international human rights and humanitarian law and prosecute those responsible. In ratifying these treaties, the Bahrain government promised both the people of Bahrain and the wider international community that it would uphold and respect their provisions. Bahrain’s international human rights commitments will be put under the spotlight in Geneva in May and June 2012 when the country’s rights record is assessed under the Universal Periodic Review of the UN Human Rights Council”.