Former Prime Minister, Saad Hariri, addressed his supporters Friday via giant screens during an Iftar held by Future Bloc warning that certain factions are attempting to haul Lebanon into chaos, and clearly accused those who launched last night\'s rockets on Baabda as truly targeting the Baabda Declaration with a terrorist message. \"Dear brothers and sisters My dear family and friends Dear participants from all over Lebanon, from Beirut, Tripoli, Akkar, Meniye, Denniye and all the districts of the North. My beloved friends gathering in Byblos, from all of Mount Lebanon, and in Sidon, from the entire south, from Arkoub to Iqlim el-kharroub. Dear friends gathered in Arsal, in Chtaura from all of the Bekaa, who are patient on grievances, steady on the covenant, loyal to the path of martyr Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, May God\'s mercy and blessings be upon you, I miss you dearly. Words cannot express how much I miss you We use to gather for years during the holy month of Ramadan in the house of martyr Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, and chat without intermediaries and distances. This year, we meet from distance, due to the circumstances that impose caution. May God curse those circumstances, and curse those responsible of them, and good evening to you all. It is an opportunity in this blessed night to speak directly, frankly and sincerely. Especially that there are people working to drag Lebanon into the heart of the storm, and the missiles that targeted the vicinity of the Presidential Palace and the Ministry of Defense, are a terrorist message aimed at undermining the symbols of the State and overthrowing the Baabda declaration. A few weeks ago, I warned that the situation is at the brink of existential danger, and I called on all the Lebanese to contemplate the sources of this danger, and held Hezbollah directly responsible of the worsening tension, after it breached all bases and rules that govern national life, ignoring most Lebanese, and giving itself... Hezbollah gave itself the rights of the States to take crucial decisions. We wanted the message to open a breach in a dead end wall, which rises day after day, to draw the limits of discord and separation in our national life. We do not want to express to Hezbollah or any other Lebanese party feelings of hostility, but we look forward to the day when relations between brothers and sons of the same country will become upright, and we meet on the same word in a real State governed by constitutional institutions, in which weapons of sects do not prevail over the voice of legality and you know that we are the political party most open to devise solutions to protect internal stability and national unity. Our history in this field is deep-rooted, even after the assassination of martyr Prime Minister Rafik Hariri. Do you remember how Hezbollah dealt with the assassination? And the rally organized on March 8th that witnessed the passing of power between the Syrian regime and Hezbollah in Lebanon. Unfortunately on that day, Hezbollah sowed sectarian tension in Lebanon. And we went did March 14th, which was, as the whole world recognized, a national day par excellence, unprecedented in the country\'s life. From March 8th, 2005 to May 7th, 2008, we practiced the policy of healing wounds, and preferred dialogue to political dispute. Thus came the agreement to prevent the vacuum in the Presidency of the Republic, and the national dialogue conference at the invitation of Speaker Nabih Berri, then parliamentary elections and national unity governments, leading to the unfortunate opening on the Syrian regime. All of this went in vain. But why? Because Hezbollah, at the peak of talk about the defense strategy that it said it presented at the national dialogue conference, took a unilateral strategic decision to go to war in July, apart from the Lebanese State. And because the party launched afterwards the wave of treason accusations, because the party did not take any responsible position from the assassinations targeting March 14 leaders, because the party decided to hinder work of the parliament to disable the agreement on the international tribunal, because the party failed to topple the government and besieged the Grand Serail and started the open sit in the heart of Beirut, because the party refused to hand in the suspects in the assassination of former Prime Minister Rafik Hariri, because the party wanted to deploy its security apparatus in all the Lebanese regions apart from the state and its concerned institutions, and because the party saw in the invasion of Beirut and the activation of discord climates on May 7th, a civilized and glorious day. The tension plant that was sowed on March 8th turned into a malicious tree on May 7th. Therefore, tension was not born now or during the events in Syria. Tension is a cumulative act from a set of policies that have made the state the weakest pillar in the local equation, in the framework of weapons that reflect on a daily basis their surplus of power, as if there were no President of the Republic, no responsible government, no parliament concerned with war and peace, no military and security institutions given by the Constitution the monopoly of weapons, no National Pact approved in Taif, no national dialogue Conference headed by the President of the country that issued the Baabda Declaration. This painful reality does not leave my mind for a single moment. I ask myself this difficult question all the time: How can we protect Lebanon from civil and social collapse? What should we do, as the weapons are spreading in all corners of the country? We have tried everything in order to reduce the area of internal dispute, from national dialogue, to forming governments, to reconciliations, to political concessions, to bilateral meetings, to the Doha agreement, to the Baabda declaration, to maintaining media calm. But all of that came in the scope of painkillers that do not address the root of the problem. A few days ago, I heard calls for dialogue to discuss the defense strategy. I do not know if it was the defense strategy in the face of the Israeli enemy or in the face of the Syrian people. Is it required of all other political forces to head to the national dialogue table, on the basis that Hezbollah’s fight in Syria is a de-facto situation that others must recognize and provide political cover for the party\'s decision to drag Lebanon into the Syrian war? I simply see that what we have heard about the dialogue is just addressed to local consumption, and an attempt to circumvent the general feeling that we must address the issue of illegal weapons and stop all forms of involvement in the Syrian issue. However, this is an occasion to reaffirm our commitment to the dialogue approach, as an indispensable mean to curb sectarian tension. We were never among those who carry weapons, or advocates of rupture between the Lebanese people. We did not give up on the dialogue as a national necessity, and on our belief that policies to cancel others in Lebanon are useless. This gives us the right to make an approach of the issue of dialogue, taking into account past experiences and findings of the dialogue sessions, and the deep causes of national division. The logic on the defense strategy, that Lebanon needs the weapons of the resistance to face Israeli risk as weapons that achieve a balance of terror with the enemy, is a logic that lost its validity for many reasons: 1 - These weapons turned after the July war into a pressure force on political life and into a means of intimidating political opponents, as what happened on May 7 in Beirut and the mountain, and what happened on the day of the black shirts, and what happened in the area of Sidon and Abra recently. 2 - These weapons caused the reproduction of armed islands, under the pretext that armed brigades defend the resistance, and they are in reality discord Brigades, and sometimes under the pretext of having the right to own weapons because the right is given to Hezbollah. 3 - Changing the use of weapons, from fighting the Israeli enemy to fighting the Syrian people, raises major question marks about the dangers of basing on it in any discussion of the defense strategy. What balance of terror with the Israeli enemy are we talking about, when there are weapons causing fear in the Lebanese political life, and having a public partnership with the regime of Bashar al Assad in the Syrian war? 4 - Finally, and most importantly, these weapons have become since 2005, the subject of a wide disagreement among the Lebanese, and a direct cause of national division. Weapons that cannot protect national unity or be a unifying factor between the spectra of society, and weapons that lack consensus force and the will of the majority. They will say that our position comes in the framework of the European decision and the external pressure on the resistance. But this will not affect our view on the problem, since 2005. Because our concern is to provide the elements to protect Lebanon, on the grounds enshrined in the Taef Agreement and the principles of the Declaration of Baabda. The resistance and opposition policies and theories of the strategic balance of terror will have no meaning in the absence of a country called Lebanon. Lebanon will not live, and will not have the elements of safety, in a forest of weapons expanding at the expense of the State, legality and civil peace, as well as under reckless policies, that do not care about involving the country in foreign wars, under the excuse of protecting sanctuaries or protecting the Lebanese on the border, and sometimes under the pretext of combating the Takfiri danger, and participating in Iran\'s campaign to prevent the fall of Bashar al Assad. Isn’t this a strategic decision as well? There is no way out for Lebanon from this tunnel, no way out for all of us, as communities, parties and regions, from the sands of sectarian tension, except with the predominance of the State on the chaos of weapons and the monopoly of weapons in the hand of the state. We reject any form of selectivity in this area. There are no acceptable illegal weapons ... and unacceptable illegal weapon... Each illegal weapon is an instrument of chaos and discord. Simply: weapons and the State cannot coexist! Yesterday, His Excellency President Michel Suleiman announced a responsible advanced position that calls for the reconsideration of the defense strategy, saying that the weapons of the resistance have gone beyond the Lebanese border and the task of the army would be impossible if the duality of legal and illegal weapons continues. This position converges with advanced positions on the subject of weapons, issued by the Council of Maronite Bishops and Patriarch El Rai. We are with this approach of the issue of illegal weapons, whatever their political identity. From weapons that declare Jihad in the name of resistance to weapons that declare Jihad in the name of religion. The illegal weapons produced an incapable state. A State that has all the traits of security, political and constitutional deficit. A State open to security winds from inside and outside. A State incapable of holding parliamentary elections, incapable of forming a government, incapable of holding parliamentary sessions, incapable of securing a quorum for the Constitutional Council, incapable of designating a new Army commander, and they want it incapable of electing a President of the Republic nine months from today. As you know, Hezbollah has taken the decision to enter Syria militarily and fight alongside the regime forces. Hezbollah assumes that the regime will remain forever. But there’s another possibility, which is that the regime will fall and Bachar El Assad will fall as well. What will the party tell the Lebanese people then? What will the party tell the families of the victims who were killed by dozens in Syria? What will Hezbollah do, if the regime and Bashar El Assad falls? Will it continue the war against the new Syrian regime? Or ask the Lebanese state to disassociate itself from the new regime? Hezbollah took a step into the unknown. A step that doesn’t take into account the interests of Lebanon, and the lives of hundreds of people of the South, the Bekaa and suburbs, the interests of all the Lebanese without exception. Thus, this reality cannot be addressed with an analgesics dialogue, but by highlighting the problem. We will be with all the allies, at the forefront of those seeking a historic agreement that restores consideration to the state and confirms its monopoly of possessing and using weapons. On this basis we want the army to be a real haven for national stability and the exclusive tool for the strategy to defend the sovereignty, the borders and national wealth. The real haven needs a serious national embrace, away from attempts to intrude and hegemonic policies. Let’s get the army out of the gutters of communities and sects. Let’s hand the army and security forces the banner of defending Lebanon and maintaining national unity. When Martyr Prime Minister Rafik Hariri was working during the eighties and nineties to support the army, others were working on stockpiling arms, and playing the game of distributing army brigades on the sects. Today, we are walking in the footsteps of Martyr Prime Minister Rafik Hariri; we want this army for all of Lebanon, with no other partner to carry weapons but the legal security forces. The Army’s weapons are above all weapons, in the face of any illegal weapons, or weapons that are out of the authority of the state and the will for national life. My Dear beloved, Your faces renew hope in our hearts, that Lebanon will survive the pressures, and that the project of dismantling the state will not succeed, as long as the will of moderation is able to prevail over extremism. You are the moderation army in Lebanon; you are the army of national unity, coexistence and democratic regime, and the army of social and economic stability. The difference between moderation and extremism is that instead of calling on the Lebanese to fight each other in Syria, should call on them to reconcile in Lebanon! Dear brothers and sisters, There are calls for the return of Saad Hariri to the premiership......... There is a Prime minister- designate, who has our trust. He is President Tammam Salam, capable of leading a new government that prevails over all partisan interests. And whoever wants to help form a government should cooperate with President Salam, and allow the formation of an executive authority that will manage the affairs of the country and help to open a breach in the deadlock. A final word from the heart: Everyone knows that the fundamental problem is: the weapons. And everyone knows that this problem cannot be solved at the Cabinet table. Rather, this problem can blow up the cabinet. In any government, some party will say \"the army, the people and the resistance\" and we will say \"impossible.\" Because the resistance went to Syria, and left the army and the people in Lebanon! And one party will say: Cover up for my drowning in Syria, in the blood of the Syrian people, and we will say: \"impossible.\" The result will be that the government will blow up and will not be able to solve the problems of the people! And there are so many problems! Look around you: in the last two years, what happened to employment? What happened to electricity? What happened to communications? What happened to tourism? What happened to growth? What happened to unemployment? What happened to security? What happened to the simple everyday life of the average citizen? We say: leave the problem that will blow up the government and prevent it from addressing the people\'s everyday things, to the dialogue table. The President of the Republic said that he wants to call for dialogue after the formation of the government. And you all know that one item only remains on the agenda of national dialogue: the weapons, with their internal and external branches. Hezbollah said it is ready to dialogue, and we tell the President: we are ready for dialogue, at any time he calls for it. And let the coming government not be a government with barricades. Our adversaries always accuse us of wanting power, of only lusting for power. We say: Ok, you say that we only lust for power, ok, we are ready then to make a sacrifice and …not participate in the government. Why don’t you make a sacrifice, only once, especially that you are coming out of two years of a government that you formed alone, and everyone, from all communities and regions and views, saw the result of the government you formed alone. Come on, make a sacrifice, for the sake of the people, and say that you are better than us, and that you are ready not to participate in the government, And allow the formation of a government capable of dealing with the normal worries of the people, and come to the dialogue table of the President of the Republic, to tackle with us the fundamental problem. And then, there will be parliamentary elections, and on the basis of these elections we will see... We don’t refuse to participate in a government in which Hezbollah participates, we are proposing to Hezbollah that both of us make a sacrifice for the Lebanese, their daily bread, electricity, communications, employment, food and security, that both of us make a sacrifice and don’t participate in the government. The two are different. It is not exclusion, because we are excluding ourselves and not others. This is my initiative towards Hezbollah on the government level. I have something I want to say to the Future Movement, and to the public of the Future Movement and of Rafik Hariri in all of Lebanon. And every Lebanese should hear this. My words are directed to the public of Rafik Hariri, and in particular, to the youth, who are the future: You know that Bachar el-Assad decided two years ago that his only solution to face the Syrian Revolution was to picture any one against him as being part of Al-Qaida, as being Takfiri, extremist and violent, and against the State. And, of course, part of this tentative, that will hopefully fail, was to picture the Sunnis in Lebanon as extremists, Takfirists and violent, and against the State. For the thousandth time, I tell everyone who believes this ridiculous tale: We are the Movement of Rafik Hariri; we are the project of Rafik Hariri. We are the Future Movement, we are a national, civil, democratic movement, that refuses violence in all its forms, and that only has one project: the State. We cannot leave the State project. And we are with the State and with the army. The military in the Army are our children and our brothers. And in your name I want to congratulate every Lebanese on the occasion of Army Day. Even when the State makes mistakes, we are with the State. Even if the army makes a mistake with us, we are with the army, we correct the mistake. Because we don’t have any other project. We are the Rafik Hariri project. He stood up at an Iftar, like this one, and said that he was with the Army in Denniye, against any aggressor of the army, whoever he was. We are the Rafik Hariri project, which after the assassination of Rafik Hariri stood up with the Army in Nahr el-Bared. We are the Rafik Hariri project, which stood up with the Army in Saida after it was exposed to a criminal and cowardly attack by a group driven crazy by Hezbollah’s weapons, to the extent of carrying weapons against the army. We did not and will not follow any crazy project. And we believe that confessional projects are insane, and sectarian projects are crazy, so are violent projects, takfiri projects, and projects aiming at abandoning the State. It is true that today, in the framework of the supremacy of Hezbollah\'s weapons, and Hezbollah’s crazy project in Syria and the region, some young people might think that our words about a strong unified State that has the monopoly of weapons and of the decision of war and peace, are insane words. To those people I say: Yes, the only insane project we adhere to is the State project. Yes, Rafik Hariri’s project was insane when he decided to rid Lebanon\'s youth from the slavery of arms, and open to them the horizon of education in the universities of the world. Yes, Rafik Hariri’s project was insane when he decided to put an end to the war in Lebanon and sponsor the Taif Agreement. Yes it was a crazy project to rebuild the army and the security forces in the era of militias. Yes it was a crazy project to rebuild infrastructure in the time of destruction, and bring back electricity in the time of darkness, and put Lebanon back on the Arab and international map in the time of sanctions. Dear youth in the public of Rafik Hariri, in the Future Movement and all of Lebanon, the times today are not harder than they were then. And we proudly reiterate: We adhered, adhere, and will always adhere to the State project, the project of Rafik Hariri, of providing a decent life to all Lebanese, and restoring security, employment, national unity, coexistence and hope in Lebanon, and restoring consideration to the name of Lebanon, to the identity of the Lebanese, and the Lebanese passport, and to every Lebanese in the Gulf, Europe, America, Asia, Africa, Australia and everywhere in the world. Lebanon witnessed many weapons projects, Lebanese and non-Lebanese. Always remember: all weapons projects fell in Lebanon. And only the State project remains. And this is thanks to you, the ordinary, civil, free, moderate and unarmed citizens. And never doubt it, your project will triumph, the State project will triumph in Lebanon, Lebanon will triumph